Tag Archives: trump

Trump’s attack on Iran violated the War Powers Resolution

And, as usual, nobody cares

President Trump commenced “Operation Epic Fury” this morning, a joint military action with Israel against Iran. He did not receive authorization from Congress and was not responding to “a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces.” Therefore, he has violated the War Powers Resolution (WPR) and should be impeached.

Given that Congress has already impeached Trump twice during his previous term for far less egregious reasons, if they were valid at all, it would seem uncontroversial to suggest that for illegally and unconstitutionally taking the nation to war, impeachment would be a slam dunk. But it isn’t, and not just because Republicans control the House of Representatives.

The truth is presidents are far more likely to be impeached for trivial violations that don’t affect the lives of their constituents than for egregious flouting of Congress’ most important laws. It would be to hard argue there is a more important statue than the one defining the circumstances under which the president can initiate military action. The War Powers Resolution is very clear on this:

(c) Presidential executive power as Commander-in-Chief; limitation

The constitutional powers of the President as Commander-in-Chief to introduce United States Armed Forces into hostilities, or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances, are exercised only pursuant to (1) a declaration of war, (2) specific statutory authorization, or (3) a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces.

That’s it. Simple. There is no ambiguity here. None of the three conditions the law stipulates have been met. Therefore, President Trump’s action this morning was illegal. Period. And nobody cares.

The law goes on to impose reporting requirements on the president and sets a 6-day limit on any military action the president has taken without Congressional authorization. But all that only applies after condition 3) above has been met.

No, the law does not authorize the president to undertake any military action he wishes for sixty days. Many people get confused about this because they want to be confused. The law does not allow the president to initiate military action for a day or even an hour if one of the three conditions aren’t met.

Trump’s statement regarding his reasons for the attack does not even attempt to justify them under the WPR. He cites Iran’s 1979 seizure of U.S. hostages without mentioning it being in retaliation for the U.S. overthrowing the Iranian government in 1953 and propping up a dictator over them for the next twenty-six years. He then lists a series of attacks on the U.S. military Iran is alleged to have funded on U.S. military in the Middle East, where they shouldn’t be stationed in the first place. He ends with alleged Iranian funding of the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, which is irrelevant to any justification of U.S. military force.

One can debate the veracity of the various accusations against Iran, whether any of them rise to justification for war, and what the U.S. response should be. And that’s just what the Constitution calls for – a debate. The members of Congress certainly have the constitutional authority to consider everything Trump has cited and decide whether to declare war on Iran or authorize a military response that falls short of war.

Even the latter option for Congress is constitutionally dubious. In fact, a compelling case can be made that the declaration of war power doesn’t even give Congress the power to start a war. It gives it the power to declare one. And one can only declare something that already exists.

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupidand Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness? 

Where will the rudderless Trump administration drift next?

Following Attorney General Pam Bondi’s disastrous testimony in Congress, all attention is currently focused on the Epstein scandal. And while the appearance of both rank incompetence and a sinister cover-up further damage the Trump administration’s approval ratings, it also provides a momentary diversion from a much bigger problem: Trump’s failure to deliver on his core campaign promises.

Aside from partial success on immigration issues, the Trump administration has failed to deliver on any of the others. A large part of the reason is lack of effort. Instead of working with Congress to deliver the America First agenda, the administration squandered its first and most important year in office on foreign military adventures.

It bombed Iran, invaded Venezuela and kidnapped its president, and has rattled its saber at several other countries, none of which pose a threat to the United States. Trump has also talked about acquiring Greenland, either voluntarily or by vaguely implied force, depending upon his mood. He has entertained the Prime Minister of Israel seven times since taking office himself. And he has cozied up to arch neocon Lindsey Graham while making yet another effort to get libertarian Thomas Massie, who supports much more of the MAGA agenda than Graham, booted out of Congress.

Just six months after having declared Iran’s alleged nuclear weapons program “totally obliterated” during the 2025 airstrikes, the administration sent massive military resources to within striking distance of Iran, making that nation an offer it couldn’t accept rather than couldn’t refuse. But after more bluster, it again backed off, just as it did during Trump’s first term, rendering yet another fool’s errand on behalf of a foreign nation just one more waste of time and resources, albeit this time without significant loss of lives.

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Tom Mullen is the author of Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness? Part One and host of the Tom Mullen Talks Freedom podcast.

Venezuela could be the necons’ ticket back to power

Their demise has been greatly exaggerated

MAGA is riding high these days, convinced they’ve finally exorcised the neoconservatives who controlled the Republican Party for decades. Supposedly gone are the days of endless wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the trillion-dollar boondoggles sold as “spreading democracy.” Trump promised to drain that swamp, and his base believes he’s done it—putting America First and mocking the old guard like John McCain and Liz Cheney.

I hate to burst that bubble, but the neocons are far from dead. At best they’re playing possum. And President Trump’s looming military action against Venezuela could be their golden ticket back to power, co-opting the very movement that thought it had buried them.

Let’s start with the obvious: the demise of the neocons has been greatly exaggerated. Sure, their poster boys like Jeb Bush or Mitt Romney couldn’t win a presidential primary at the moment. But look who has staffed both Trump’s administrations. Mike Pompeo, the quintessential neocon hawk, served as Secretary of State the last time, pushing regime change agendas from Iran to North Korea.

Now we’ve got Marco Rubio in the same spot, a guy who’s never met a foreign entanglement he didn’t like. Rubio’s been a darling of the interventionist crowd since his Senate days, advocating for arming Syrian rebels and toppling dictators throughout the Middle East. Trump himself has been more restrained—no full-scale invasions on his watch yet—but that’s a far cry from the drastic change some in MAGA envisioned.

Trump hasn’t decreased overseas troop deployment on net whatsoever and the Pentagon budget has risen significantly in both of his administrations. As for Rubio, he’s trying to sound as America First as he can while serving the current boss but make no mistake: the push for action in Venezuela reeks of his influence, along with other holdovers like Elliott Abrams, who’s been knee-deep in Latin American meddling since the Reagan era. Throw in unconditional support for Israel’s wars, and you’ve got essentially a new Bush administration disguised as America First.

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

There will be no peace in Ukraine until Washington admits to itself it has lost the war

Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov told NBC’s Kristen Welker of Meet the Press that no meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is currently in the works. The Russian diplomat indicated his government is not interested in such a meeting until a “presidential agenda” was agreed upon that included certain Russian demands, including an agreement Ukraine will not seek membership in NATO and will discuss ceding some territory to Russia.

“When President Trump brought … those issues to the meeting in Washington, it was very clear to everybody that there are several principles which Washington believes must be accepted, including no NATO membership, including the discussion of territorial issues, and Zelenskyy said no to everything,” said Lavrov.

Trump has positioned himself as an arbitrator, a peacemaker between two warring governments. And therein lies the problem. As Daniel McAdams pointed out several months ago in an interview with this writer, Washington can’t be an arbitrator in this conflict because it is a party to the conflict. “It’s like having a boxing match and the referee starts punching somebody,” quipped McAdams.

Indeed, I said the same thing just days after the war started. It has been clear from the beginning to anyone being honest with himself this war was never between Ukraine and Russia. It was a war between Washington and Russia, fought by Ukrainians on their land but funded and directed by Washington. It began in 2014 when Washington overthrew the democratically elected Ukrainian government and installed a Washington puppet, who immediately tried to take away Russia’s naval base at Sevastopol.

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

Trump and MAGA predictably dump their few libertarian positions

Well, that didn’t take long.

The Trump administration, which won the 2024 election promising libertarians smaller government and an end to endless wars, has summarily dumped its libertarian promises. Elon Musk has split from the administration after spending several months identifying myriad opportunities to cut federal spending under the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). The “Big, Beautiful Bill” has replaced those cuts with spending increases that will outpace those under the previous Democratic administration, as every Republican administration of my lifetime has done. Funding the Ukraine War is also back online.

History isn’t just rhyming here; it’s repeating. It is the mirror image of the post-Revolutionary War split between Hamiltonian Federalists and Jeffersonian libertarians after their common enemy, the British, was defeated. Today, the MAGA Republicans embody classic Hobbesian/Burkean conservatism, while modern libertarians carry the torch of Jeffersonian principles rooted in John Locke’s property based inalienable rights. The defeat of the modern “British”—the progressive left—has exposed this divide, revealing that the MAGA movement’s heart beats closer to Hobbesian control than Lockean liberty.

Many conservatives may object to my identification together of Hobbes and Burke, given the quite different visions they had for the form of government. But they both agreed on the purpose of government: to hold back man’s savage instincts at any cost, including liberty.

In my book, Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From?, I argue that conservatives, at their core, believe that the “inclinations of men should frequently be thwarted, their will controlled, and their passions brought into subjection,” as Burke said in Reflections on the Revolution in France. Men are entitled only to what liberty the government allows after fulfilling this primary purpose. Burke agreed with Hobbes on this essential point, quoting Hobbes directly in explaining the problem with natural rights: that they give men “a right to everything.”

Burke’s only departure from Hobbes was the means for this thwarting. Hobbes argued that only a unitary, all powerful central government could achieve it. Burke argued that what he called “prescription” – the power of long-established traditions to restrain the savage impulses – could also play a part.

MAGA Republicans are a striking combination of both visions. Their rhetoric often champions “law and order,” a Hobbesian call to maintain societal stability against perceived threats. They have no problem with a massive military establishment, although they reject wars of choice for the purposes of benefiting the peoples of foreign nations rather than purely for domestic security.

The culture wars, on the other hand, are rooted in Burkean prescription. The overturning of long-established norms and traditions – standard ops for the revolutionary left – are a direct threat to civilization that must be reversed. Here there is some overlap with libertarianism. If those traditions are the non-involvement of government in certain areas of human activity, libertarians are all for it. But even if the particular tradition is inconsistent with libertarian principles, those traditions must be maintained, similar to the conservative insistence on maintaining primogeniture in Jefferson’s day.

The natural economic system of conservativism is mercantilism. Since the natural state of man is a state of war, economic activity must have winners and losers. Recall Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign. His constant complaint was “we don’t win anymore” when speaking of international trade. He promised instead that Americans would “get tired of winning.” Alexander Hamilton’s Federalists saw the economy precisely the same way and made the same promises.

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

Democracy IS the problem

A Wisconsin judge has been arrested for allegedly helping an illegal alien evade immigration authorities. The case has added gasoline to the fire blazing in the wake of several recent court rulings against the Trump administration’s use of the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to deport illegal aliens more expeditiously than customary due process procedures would allow.

The administration argues the judiciary is deliberately obstructing its attempt to execute the clear will of the people, expressed in the last election, to reverse the trend of mass illegal immigration into the United States. Its opponents argue the administration is violating established law and basic constitutional protections of individual rights, especially the Fifth Amendment guarantee that no one shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.

Both sides accuse the other of being “a threat to our democracy.” This has been a mantra repeated about political opponents for many years now, by everyone from Nancy Pelosi to Tucker Carlson. Carlson railed against suppression of free speech as incompatible with “a democracy.” Democrats wailed that we must “save our democracy” from their Hitler-cartoon version of President Trump, even after he’d left office.

But to paraphrase a popular 20th century president, democracy is not the solution to our problems. Democracy is the problem.

If Americans should have learned one thing, it is to be suspicious of anything the media repeat over and over, through every medium. And what they’ve heard night and day for the past decade, from conservative and liberal media alike, is some form of the message “democracy is in danger.” They’ve heard it so much that they’ve forgotten what it is they should be desperate to protect. And it isn’t democracy.

Before the progressive era, the American political system was generally referred to as “republican” rather than “democratic.” This may seem purely semantic and to some extent it would be if the Constitution merely described a simple republic. In that case, representatives would be elected by popular vote and would generally be expected to do what those who elected them want them to do.

But the Constitution isn’t even that democratic. Once elected, the representatives are not permitted to do anything the people who elected them want. They are limited to a short list of powers they are authorized to exercise, regardless of the supposed “will of the people.”

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

Trump’s Executive Order on the Department of Education is a Good First Step

President Trump signed an executive order on Thursday to “shut down” the federal Department of Education, keeping the same campaign promise President Reagan failed to keep over forty years ago. The order goes as far in eliminating the department as the executive branch has the power to go without a successful bill in Congress, which created the department in 1979.

The purpose of the order is to transfer most of the administrative and management functions over public education back to the states while not decreasing or eliminating federal funding of education, including subsidies and guaranteed student loans. It is a good first step but does not address the massive economic distortions in the education industry created by federal financial interventions.

The order is not specific on which functions will be transferred back to the states or eliminated. It simply states, “The Secretary of Education shall, to the maximum extent appropriate and permitted by law, take all necessary steps to facilitate the closure of the Department of Education and return authority over education to the States and local communities while ensuring the effective and uninterrupted delivery of services, programs, and benefits on which Americans rely.”

Since Congress created the department in 1979 and the bill creating it was duly signed by President Carter, it cannot be formally abolished without a new bill passed in Congress and signed by Trump. Therefore, what functions, if any, the law permits eliminating or transferring to the states is unclear. The administration may decide to find out by trial and error.

Ironically, the order exercises a power it is theoretically written to eliminate: the use of federal funding as leverage to dictate to the states what they may or may not do in terms of how they manage public education:

“Consistent with the Department of Education’s authorities, the Secretary of Education shall ensure that the allocation of any Federal Department of Education funds is subject to rigorous compliance with Federal law and Administration policy, including the requirement that any program or activity receiving Federal assistance terminate illegal discrimination obscured under the label “diversity, equity, and inclusion” or similar terms and programs promoting gender ideology.”

This is based upon the conservative viewpoint that all affirmative action, including the newest branded under “diversity, equity, and inclusion” (DEI) violates the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and other federal civil rights legislation. It’s hard to dispute this since the thrust of all those laws is to prohibit the consideration of race, sex, or religion when hiring employees, granting admission to universities, etc. and the stated goal of DEI is to do precisely what the laws prohibit.

The problem with this is that a subsequent Democratic president could write an order requiring any educational institution receiving federal funding to have a DEI program and meet quotas for racial or gender categories. So, the order doesn’t really even attempt to abolish or reduce this aspect of federal interference in state and local public education.

Neither does the order affect the tremendous economic harm done by federal subsidization, especially the guarantee of student loans for college tuition. As I’ve covered in a previous podcast, this intervention has resulted in an absurd artificial rise in college tuition prices. Most of the money has not gone into hiring more teachers but rather to an explosion in the number of administrators in higher education. And, as Trump and other conservatives point out, this has not led to better educated students. Quite the contrary.

Even if the administration were successful in getting a bill through Congress to completely abolish the Department of Education and truly return public education to the states, it would not be a panacea for the ills of government schooling. While an electoral map may indicate more red states than blue states and one may be tempted to think that would translate into a more conservative perspective prevailing in public education in those states, it likely would not.

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

What are the goals of Trump’s tariffs?

President Trump announced Friday another pause on some tariffs on products imported from Canada and Mexico after a rocky week for equities markets trying to price in their effects. At the same, he says that tariffs could go higher than 25% in the future.

Trump’s stated reason for imposing the tariffs on the two USMCA partners is their failure to control illegal immigration and drug trafficking across their borders into the United States. Apparently, the president believes tariffs are the cure for just about anything, including illegal immigration.

But in a Q&A aboard Air Force One, Trump returned to the more traditional mercantilist arguments in favor of tariffs that he campaigned on. Asked if he is worried about a recession, Trump replied no, adding,

“All I know is this. We’re going to take in hundreds of billions of dollars in tariffs and we’re going to become so rich, you’re not going to know where to spend all that money, I’m telling you, you just watch. We’re going to have jobs, we’re going to have open factories, and it’s going to be great, and the plane is landing, and thank you for a lot of good questions. Thank you very much.”

There is a lot to unpack in that relatively short answer.

First, the president seems to believe taxing and spending are the keys to a strong economy. He tells the reporter “you’re not going to know where to spend all that money.” But it won’t be the reporter or anyone else in the private sector spending the money. It will be the government.

He also says the tariffs will collect “hundreds of billions of dollars.” As the president has also suggested tariffs could replace the income tax, it is worth noting that would require thousands of billions of dollars, not hundreds. Three thousand billion, to be exact, when counting the $500 billion in corporate taxes collected last year in addition to $2.5 trillion in personal income taxes.

But the last part of his answer carries the main foundation of Trump’s economic vision.

Candidate Trump promised tariffs would protect domestic manufacturers and their employees from cheaper foreign competition. Indeed, imposing tariffs similar to those imposed upon U.S. imports to its trading partners would cause manufacturing productions and jobs lost to China and other, lower labor cost countries would return to the United States. All this begs the question: What is the goal of the tariffs? Are they meant to collect revenue, perhaps enough to replace the income tax, or to protect domestic production? “Both!” Trump and his supporters would probably answer. It’s win-win. Americans will be so tired of winning some might be hospitalized for exhaustion. But tariffs can’t do both. It’s physically impossible.

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

Trump’s treatment of Zelensky mirrors the Genet affair

President Trump confirmed a major foreign policy shift in dramatic fashion on Friday when he asked Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to leave the White House after a heated public argument that included both presidents and U.S. Vice President Vance. Zelensky was in Washington to sign a mineral deal with the U.S that was aborted, at least for the moment, after both Trump and Vance took exception to Zelensky’s criticism of the Trump administration’s position regarding negotiations with Russia.

The incident was cheered by Trump’s supporters and condemned by all the usual suspects among his detractors, expressing outrage and embarrassment that a foreign head of state would be treated this way. But the real question it raises is whether it will mark the beginning of Washington’s return to the foreign policy bequeathed by the man whose name it bears.

No American alive today has known firsthand any other foreign policy than the one the U.S. government maintained throughout the 20th century, which is active involvement, both military and by other means, in the affairs of foreign nations, especially in Europe. Washington’s worldwide standing army of over 200,000 troops deployed overseas has become a norm taken for granted, as has the so-called “special relationship” with the United Kingdom and the “alliance” with Israel (the U.S. has no formal treaty with that country).

But it wasn’t always this way. Most Americans would be surprised to learn that their country became rich and powerful enough to be capable of affecting global geopolitics with precisely the opposite foreign policy. More surprising still might be that 19th century U.S. foreign policy was launched with an incident eerily similar to Friday’s.

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

Trump’s cuts could cause (necessary) economic pain

On Sunday, President Trump posted the following to his Truth Social account:

ELON IS DOING A GREAT JOB, BUT I WOULD LIKE TO SEE HIM GET MORE AGGRESSIVE. REMEMBER, WE HAVE A COUNTRY TO SAVE, BUT ULTIMATELY, TO MAKE GREATER THAN EVER BEFORE. MAGA!

For any supporters concerned Trump’s resolve to cut federal spending might moderate that would seem to allay those concerns for the moment. And despite all the wailing coming from beneficiaries of federal largesse, the cuts made so far don’t even amount to a haircut for the federal leviathan.

To put them in perspective, the cuts proposed so far by the administration, based upon recommendations by Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), are all within a the category of the federal budget called “Discretionary Spending.” Discretionary spending for fiscal year 2025 is projected to be $1.848 trillion. Overall spending is projected to be $7.028 trillion.

So, DOGE is only looking to make cuts to about one quarter of total spending. About half of that one quarter is Defense spending at $859 billion. Trump has said he wants to cut military spending, but that appears to be contingent upon China and Russia agreeing to cut theirs in a future, theoretical deal.

Meanwhile, the Senate just passed a spending bill that increases defense spending by $150 billion.

That leaves about one eighth of the budget affected by DOGE cuts. And DOGE certainly isn’t even trying to cut all of that one eighth.

Still, what cuts are made have the potential to punch far above their weight. Closing down USAID, for example, even if a lot of its funds are eventually spent, constitutes a major policy change given the revelations about what the agency was doing with those funds. Opponents of everything from covert regime change operations to censoring domestic political speech may be quite pleased with the difference firing just a handful of federal employees might make.

There is also the potential for outsized economic pain from cutting a relatively small percentage of the federal budget. Given the Federal Reserve’s $5 trillion tsunami of new money created since 2020, the U.S. economy is in an “everything bubble” and even marginal cuts to federal spending might be the pin that pops it.

Bubbles represent capital deployed for nonproductive ends and need to be popped. But no one is happy when it happens. Typically, bubbles blow up under one president and pop under the next. Guess who gets the blame?

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?