Author Archives: Tom Mullen

We are at war Part 3: Woke Capitalism

The war on civilization and its peaceful inhabitants is testing us like nothing else in our lifetimes. It is not only testing our resolve, but our principles. And nothing has tested the latter more than what has come to be called, “woke capitalism.”

As I wrote in last week’s installment of this series, it is important that the resistors have the right ideas. It is not enough simply to defeat our enemies. We must do so in a way that we don’t win battles but lose the war. And as with the political system, the arguments against woke capitalism are riddled with errors that will ultimately undermine our cause.

To understand if and why woke capitalism is a problem, we must first understand what capitalism is and why it is the only economic system compatible with a free society.

Our principles

We believe that every human being is created equal in one way and in one way only: no one has an inherent right to rule over another person. As a result of that equality, every individual owns himself or herself.

This state of self-ownership implies certain rights. They are first and foremost to not be killed by another person (right to life), to act according to one’s will (right to liberty) and to exercise ownership over legitimately acquired possessions. The natural limit to these rights is that one does not violate the equal rights of others.

John Locke reduced all of the above to a single word, saying people enter society and form governments for the “mutual preservation of their lives, liberties and estates, which I call by the general name, property.”

Another way to say this is that everyone has a right to what he or she owns and nothing more. This is the standard by which to determine what is a legitimate right and what is not.

One’s physical body, thoughts, beliefs, speech, actions, and peacefully acquired possessions are all one’s property. They cannot be taken away by someone else without one’s consent. Therefore, “healthcare” cannot be a right, it being the thoughts, speech, actions, and possessions of someone else. Neither does anyone have the right to involuntarily dispossess Person A to trade with Person B to provide healthcare to himself or Person C.

One may not claim a right to something that requires the labor of others without violating the property rights of those others. This applies equally to conscripting either Person A or Person B in the above example.

The right to possess real and movable estates contains within it three basic elements: use, exclusion, and disposal. If one owns a thing, he may use it as he sees fit as long as he does not do so in violation of the property of others. He may exclude others from its use without his consent. He may also dispose of the thing as he sees fit, meaning give it away as a gift, exchange it for other property, or destroy it.

Justice consists of preserving the property of individuals or making them whole when their property has been violated. Conversely, injustice is harming the property of individuals other than in self-defense. There is no other legitimate definition of justice, nor does legitimate justice require modifiers like “social” or “racial.”

Governments are formed ostensibly to administer justice, or, as John Locke put it, for the “preservation of their property.”

The American Declaration of Independence unnecessarily complicated the matter by separating “property” into myriad enumerated and unenumerated “rights,” going on to say, “to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men.” But the intent of those words was the same as Locke’s:

Anarcho-capitalism disputes none of the above other than the means for administering justice. Rather than a monopolist agency designated for the purpose, anarcho-capitalism proposes a free market solution. But the purpose of that solution is the same: to administer justice, meaning to preserve property.

What is capitalism?

The economic system generally known as “capitalism” or “the free market” derives directly from these principles. Capitalism assumes only one rule: that transfer of property may occur only with the voluntary consent of the owner. All other elements of the system: contracts, market prices, competition, etc., proceed from this rule.

Inherent also in capitalism is an element of property described by the founders as the right to “the pursuit of happiness.” This was listed separately from the right to liberty to emphasize that one is entitled to act exclusively in one’s own self-interest, rather than towards ends determined by others, within the same limit of not violating the property of others.

Adam Smith famously observed that people acting exclusively in their own self-interest do more good for society as a whole than those who intend to do so.

This is known as the “invisible hand” of the market. It is this aspect of the capitalist system from which all benefit to society springs. It is the reason capitalism always outperforms socialism. To reject the right of economic actors to pursue exclusively their own interests is to deny the right to the pursuit of happiness and to negate capitalism’s benefits to society.

How is woke capitalism a problem?

Woke capitalism rejects the invisible hand principle. It postulates that businesses should not merely pursue profits within a framework of property rights, but rather should also pursue “environmental, social, and governance (ESG)” goals. It also seeks to limit or exclude market participation by people who do not accept and demonstrate their support for various progressive dogmas.

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We Are at War Table of Contents

Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

A recession by any other name

The Biden administration says two straight quarters of negative GDP is much ado about nothing. Like accusations of Hero’s lost chastity in Shakespeare’s play, Biden’s economy is falsely accused of being in recession, the president’s spokespeople say.

Biden’s defenders in the media concur. The Hill informs us that two straight quarters of negative GDP defines a recession in many countries but, contrary to public opinion, not in the United States. Here, there is no recession until the National Bureau of Economic Research’s (NBER) Business Cycle Dating Committee – the “experts” – declare one.

The committee looks at a broad range of economic indicators to determine whether the economy is in recession. While declining GDP is one factor, it is not the only factor. And the chief reason the NBER has not declared a recession, according to the Biden administration and others, is the “red hot jobs market.”

Nobel Laureate Paul Krugman helpfully tweeted a chart showing the relative number of jobs “added” to the economy during the presidencies of Presidents Trump and Biden.

It is true that unemployment is near historic, pre-pandemic lows at 3.6%. And although that doesn’t count the vast number of people who have left the workforce due to retirement or discouragement, the administration can still point to over 2.7 million jobs created in 2022, according to the BLS jobs report.

But arguing there is no recession because new jobs are being created rather misses the point.

Jobs are not an end in itself. The purpose of creating jobs is to produce products. One would only want to create more jobs if it would lead to producing more products. Creating more jobs to produce the same or less products wastes scarce resources.

Just imagine a manager triumphantly reporting to the owner of a company that, although production decreased in the last two quarters, the lower output was accompanied by higher payroll costs. He’d be fired immediately; perhaps referred for a mental health evaluation.

What makes a company profitable is to satisfy demand for its product with as few employees and other costs as possible. The wealth of an economy is no different. As fewer employees are needed to produce each product, more are available to produce others.

Not only does this contribute to greater wealth for the economy as a whole, but it also represents higher worker productivity and thereby higher wages.

This is why tax incentives to corporations tied to the number of jobs they’ll create is economically idiotic. While in most cases, companies will take the tax breaks and only create the jobs they need, leaving the politicians and their constituents to complain the jobs never materialized, it is really the complaining that is erroneous. Had the company created more jobs than necessary to produce its products, it would by definition be wasting resources and thereby making the population poorer in the aggregate.

It is also important to remember that what is produced matters as much as how much. A population does not become wealthier merely because the total amount of goods produced rises. It only becomes wealthier if more of what consumers value is produced.

Value can only be determined if consumers are free to refuse to purchase the increased output. Only by freely choosing whether to purchase at all and at what maximum price can the value of the new output can be determined.

This is why output resulting from government spending is at best of unknown and often of no value whatsoever. Since taxpayers have neither the opportunity to decline to purchase nor to set their own maximum price, there is no mechanism to determine the value of this output.

That government spending, currently at massive levels, is counted in GDP and GDP is still declining accentuates the fact that Americans are getting poorer in the aggregate. Not only are they producing less, but a significant percentage of what they are producing – like missiles sent to Ukraine – provide no value to American consumers.

Government bureaucrats can arbitrarily define the word “recession” any way they wish. But creating less wealth by any other name would smell as foul.

Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

We are at war and I don’t mean in Ukraine Part 2: “Our Democracy”

“Every revolution starts in the minds of the people” says the tagline of Tom Mullen Talks Freedom. This was most directly inspired by a statement written by John Adams in 1818:

“The Revolution was effected before the War commenced. The Revolution was in the Minds and Hearts of the People.”

There are many other ways to say this. One is, “Ideas matter.” My 2015 book, Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? was about precisely this. Ideas.

As I wrote last week, we are at war. It is being fought in the political and media sphere, meaning it is, for the moment, a war of ideas.

That’s not to say our enemies are not willing to enforce their ideas with violence. To a certain extent, they are doing so already. If you are an employer in the healthcare industry, for example, you must require your employees to be vaccinated. It is the “law,” as written by an executive branch agency called the Department of Health and Human Services, which along with myriad other executive branch regulatory agencies make most of the laws U.S. citizens live under.

So much for the legislative power being delegated to Congress.

Many under the spell of progressive brainwashing might ask, “But how is this violence?” It is important to remember that every law, regulation, or other government edict is a threat of violence. That’s not “extremism;” it’s the truth. Anyone who doubts that should simply choose not to obey one.

Pick the most insignificant amongst them, like a traffic ticket. Sure, the first response to your disobedience might merely be a letter demanding some money. But ignore the letters long enough, fail to show up for the inevitable court date, and men with guns will eventually arrive at your door to take you away or kill you if you resist.

This is the nature of government. To deny it is to depart from reality.

Deep down, everyone knows this, and our enemies know we know this. That is why it is so important for them to obtain, at the very least, our tacit consent. Thus, the massive propaganda drive in the media, the deplatforming of dissidents, and the scapegoating of “extremists.”

They need to control the way people think because they cannot overcome the whole population by force. Neither can they completely brainwash the entire population. They only need to do what they have succeeded in doing so far, which is to recruit a significant minority of the population to actively propagandize for them and rely on another significant minority of the population to “go along to get along.”

That leaves the last significant minority of the population, those willing to actively resist, to battle the government, the media, corrupted business interests, and most of their fellow citizens.

Needless to say, with this monumental task in front of them, it is important that the resistors have the right ideas. At the very least, they must avoid the enemy’s false premises. Otherwise, like an army that has been lured into advancing in the center without protecting its flank, the resistance ends up right where its enemies want them.

Our enemies have succeeded in poisoning the resistance with many false premises which need to be rejected or we will find ourselves, like the Romans at Cannae or Washington at Brandywine, rushing headlong forward only to be surrounded and destroyed.

One false premise accepted by virtually everyone is that the United States is “a democracy.” Calling the American system of government “a democracy” is like looking at a birthday cake and calling it “an egg.”

Yes, democracy is one of the ingredients in the U.S. Constitution, but it is not the only or even the main ingredient. It is more accurate to say there are a few democratic elements in the Constitution and the rest is designed to protect us from democracy.

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We Are at War Table of Contents

Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

We are at war and I don’t mean in Ukraine

Everyone knows there is something wrong. America and much of the world is now firmly into its third year of unrelenting “emergencies,” real and imagined, that forbid them from returning to the quiet comfort of their previous lives. For twenty-eight months they have been told they must sacrifice their personal interests for the government-media complex defined “greater good.”

It started with “fifteen days to flatten the curve,” a reasonable-sounding request in the face of a supposedly novel respiratory virus. One hundred years of science had already confirmed quarantining asymptomatic people is ineffective, but it was only going to be fifteen days.

It is only now, after the fifteen days turned into fifteen months or more in some places, after mask and vaccine mandates were enforced long after it was obvious both are ineffective, after the demand for sacrifice seamlessly metamorphized from “flattening the curve” to “slowing the spread” to “defending Ukraine” to “climate change emergency,” that a critical mass of people have finally realized they are being had.

If it were just your money they were after, it would be bad enough. And make no mistake, they do want that. Trillions have been fleeced from the many and handed to the few during this long con. But it isn’t just your money the perpetrators are after. Neither is it merely your freedom, although there is no “life” beyond biological existence without it.

No, the architects of this dystopia aren’t satisfied to loot your wealth and crush your liberty. Even controlling your physical movements isn’t enough. They want to control your thoughts, what many people would call your “soul.”

It’s not as if they make any secret of this. What else can the obsession with stamping out “misinformation” mean? They do not want you exposed to information contrary to their ends because you may think the wrong thoughts.

You may question whether the vaccines really are “safe and effective,” whether the war in Ukraine really is any of your concern (or “unprovoked,” for that matter), whether there really is a “climate change emergency” that demands you make enormous sacrifices to solve, or whether those sacrifices would really make a difference if there were.

There are only two possible reasons why information questioning any of the above narratives would need to be kept from you. Either the claims being made aren’t true and would not hold up to challenges or you are incapable of discerning truth from falsehood. If the former is true, there are criminal trials that need to be held. If the latter, then why this anguished cry about dangers to “our democracy?”

The question is constantly raised whether the architects of this assault on civilization are evil or merely misguided and incompetent. Does it matter? Is there even a clear distinction between the two? Was Vladimir Lenin evil or merely misguided? Did he not believe he was acting in the best interests of his fellow man and merely had to “break a few (million) eggs to make an omelet?” Can we not say the same for Stalin, Hitler, or Mao?

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We Are at War Table of Contents

Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

The Schizophrenic Empire Stumbles into Saudi

In 2020, candidate Joe Biden made it as clear as Joe Biden can make anything that the days of looking past the atrocities committed by the Saudi Arabian government would be over should he be elected. An October 2, 2020 post on his campaign website read,

“Under a Biden-Harris administration, we will reassess our relationship with the Kingdom, end U.S. support for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen, and make sure America does not check its values at the door to sell arms or buy oil.”

Less than two years later, President Biden is scheduled to visit Saudi Arabia in hopes of persuading the kingdom he disparaged as a candidate to increase oil production. Biden is suffering the worst approval ratings of any president in recent memory due to runaway inflation, in part the result of his own energy policies.

The trip follows Biden’s attempt to bully U.S. oil producers into boosting production, something they rightly pointed out is being strangled by the president’s own policies in the short term and economically unviable in the long term given a sitting U.S. president who has vowed to put them out of business.

Meanwhile, the president’s supporters are demanding Biden try to keep his campaign promises regarding Saudi Arabia. In an article in Foreign Policy, U.S. Senator Chris Murphy demands Biden procure real concessions from the kingdom on human rights abuses. His screed is emblematic of the departure from reality that pervades Washington on all issues, foreign and domestic.

Remember, Biden is not traveling to Saudi to offer the kingdom help. He is asking for help from them. What leverage does Murphy believe the president holds over a government that not long ago wouldn’t even answer his phone calls?

Murphy claims, “Over and over again, the Saudi government acts in ways that are directly contrary to U.S. security interests.” But he gives no examples of legitimate security interests that have anything to do with Saudi Arabia. The bulk of the complaints against the kingdom relate to its human rights abuses, which, however deserving of condemnation, do not threaten the security of American citizens in any way.

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

SCOTUS Has Provided a Roadmap to Civility and Peace

The recent SCOTUS decisions on vaccine mandates, gun regulation, abortion, and the EPA are flawed from a strict constructionist perspective. Rather than striking down 20th century theories underpinning decisions which unconstitutionally expanded the powers of the executive branch and the federal government in general, respectively, the Court instead tried to set limits to the ways in which those doctrines could be applied.

Still, insofar as these decisions represent a change in direction, rather than the last word on these issues, they may provide a roadmap out of the political acrimony that is tearing American society apart.

The legislative power

In ruling against President Biden’s vaccine mandates and the EPA’s “Clean Power Plan,” the Court makes reference to a long-ignored principle called the “nondelegation doctrine,” which posits that Congress has no authority under the Constitution to delegate its legislative power to the executive.

In other words, when the Constitution says, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives,” it means no legislative powers are vested in the executive.

Strictly applied, this principle would mean striking down the New Deal, root and branch. Although there were examples of limited rulemaking by executive branch regulatory agencies prior to the 1930s, it was FDR’s coup that created and empowered to legislate the myriad “alphabet soup agencies” within the federal government.

Rather than such a radical change, the Court merely set limits to how far beyond legislation passed by Congress and signed into law by the president regulatory agencies can go in making legally enforceable rules themselves.

The “glass half empty” way to look at this is that the Court has further established that the executive branch can legislate – just “not too much.” The opposite view, as expressed by constitutional scholar Kevin Gutzman, is that these precedents represent the first indications of the Court turning away from 84 years of bad precedent and back towards a constitutionally limited government.

(For my discussions on this subject with Gutzman, see Episodes 1, 28, and 94 of Tom Mullen Talks Freedom).

The significance of this question cannot be understated. Garet Garret called the New Deal a “revolution” for good reason – it effectively transformed the U.S. government from its previous republican form to a new, soft form of fascism, with an executive branch issuing fiat commands instead of a legislature representing a diverse constituency writing laws.

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Instead of rioting over Roe, Democrats should bring a case on immigration

Roe vs. Wade came as a shock, even to people who believe the power to regulate abortion is reserved to the states. Lost in the triumphant celebrations of the decision on one side and the abject horror and hysteria on the other is the fact states like my own (New York) are now less restricted in liberalization of their abortion laws.

The 1973 decision didn’t just strike down state laws prohibiting abortion. It wrote new ones, something no court, state or federal, has any legitimate power to do. This is the other edge of the sword in allowing federal judges to override state law. They have taken the power away from the states forever.

The Court did two things in its Roe decision. First, it implicitly affirmed the Incorporation Doctrine, the legal theory that the Fourteenth Amendment “incorporated” most of the first ten amendments to the Constitution to apply against the states. I recently had the opportunity to discuss this with constitutional scholar and historian Kevin Gutzman on an episode of my podcast (neither of us believe the doctrine is valid).  

The Incorporation Doctrine was necessary to arrive at the original Roe decision. It provides the basis for a federal court to strike down state laws. Without this doctrine, the Bill of Rights is only applicable to the federal government, leaving protection of individual rights to the bills of rights in the state constitutions.

Second, the Court narrowed interpretation of the Incorporation Doctrine to those rights specifically enumerated in the Constitution or “rooted in the Nation’s history and tradition.” The Court did not find any evidence of an American tradition of a right to abortion, but rather a tradition of precisely the opposite: the longstanding tradition of states prohibiting abortion before Roe.

Note that this is not a finding that no right to abortion should exist. It is merely a finding that protecting this right, if it does exist, is not a power delegated to the federal government.

Neither is regulating immigration, according to James Madison, the man who wrote the words of the Constitution. In his Virginia Resolution of 1798, in opposition to the Alien and Sedition Acts, he wrote,

That the General Assembly doth particularly protest against the palpable and alarming infractions of the constitution, in the two late cases of the “alien and sedition acts,” passed at the last session of Congress; the first of which exercises a power no where delegated to the federal government;

Like Roe vs. Wade, the federal government’s power to regulate immigration was simply “discovered” by the Supreme Court in a decision at least as spurious as Roe. There are no words in the Constitution indicating this power is delegated to the federal government.

Proponents sometimes point to the naturalization power as somehow implying a power to regulate immigration. But this is ridiculous. Naturalization concerns only the power to determine who becomes a citizen of the United States. It has nothing to do with regulating who can or cannot cross the borders of any of the states.

Others point to the 1808 clause as meaning the federal government was delegated the power after 1808. While this argument is slightly more plausible, both it and the naturalization clause were written by Madison himself, who nevertheless stated regulating immigration was a power “no where delegated.”

Jefferson added in his own Kentucky Resolution of the same year that the 1808 clause was added merely out of “abundant caution,” not a grant of this new power after 1808.

As there has been no subsequent amendment to the Constitution delegating this power to the federal government, it must remain with the states.

While the Incorporation Doctrine would not apply as this is not a dispute regarding the federal Bill of Rights, it is noteworthy that at the time of the decision, there was no tradition or history of the federal government regulating immigration. On the contrary, the case in which the Court concluded this was a federal power concerned a dispute over the way the California State immigration officers were regulating immigration.

If there has been a federal power as contentious as regulating abortion, it has been regulation of immigration. Cities run by liberal politicians have declared themselves “sanctuary cities” in defiance of federal immigration laws. States like Florida and Texas, run by conservative politicians, have taken to shipping “undocumented immigrants” sent to their states either back to their point of entry or to Washington, D.C. in protest.

This is no way to conduct civil society.

The rancor over immigration is the predictable result of the federal government exercising authority never delegated to it by the states. The Post Office may be abysmal, but it doesn’t inspire the hatred federal immigration enforcement does because it is recognized as a power the states agreed to delegate to the federal government.

If either Democrats or Republicans brought a case on immigration, it would test the Court’s conviction to its constitutional principles. Immigration checks all the boxes of the Court’s own reasoning for a power improperly usurped by the federal government through a previous SCOTUS decision. In Dobbs, the Court wrote, “This Court cannot bring about the permanent resolution of a rancorous national controversy simply by dictating a settlement and telling the people to move on.”

In the cases of both abortion and immigration, that is precisely what the Court did. Overturning Chy Lung vs. Freeman would right precisely the same wrong.

It is not as if federal regulation of immigration is working now. Under both liberal and conservative presidents, the process to immigrate legally has been woefully deficient, resulting in millions of immigrants entering the country illegally or (more often) staying long past their visas expire. There is every reason to believe the states would do a better job at this and could also tailor their immigration laws to be as strict or lenient as they wish.

To those who find the consequentialist arguments of Chy Lung vs. Freeman compelling, there is an opportunity to offer an amendment to the Constitution to properly delegate this power to the federal government. This would not simply be a dead-on-arrival letter. It would give Americans across the political spectrum a chance for input on the language of such an amendment and the limits, or lack thereof, on the power.

If no amendment agreeable to the requisite number of states can be written, then the process of trying will have proven this is a power which must be reserved to the states. If an amendment can be ratified, then the federal government can go on sucking at regulating immigration, just as it does at delivering the mail, without risking a civil war.

Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

Tom Mullen’s First Inaugural Address (Excerpt on Regulation)

…There has been a lot of speculation in the media about how I will direct the various regulatory agencies as far as lifting burdensome regulations or imposing new ones. I have here in my hand a copy of the U.S. Constitution – the only “deal” ever made between the people of the various states regarding a federal government with any constitutional validity – and it says, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.”

Now, for many decades, there have been various agencies in the executive branch of the government exercising this legislative power in defiance of the Constitution. We call it “regulation” instead of “legislation” so as to deceive ourselves and others that what the EPA, SEC, or FDA does is not legislating and therefore constitutional. But any government agent writing rules that either prohibit or compel behavior with the force of law is legislating.

If we truly believe government only draws it just powers from the consent of the governed, then surely, we can see that this is a problem. The only place anyone ever consented to the federal government having any power at all was in ratification of the Constitution and its various amendments. And that consent was only obtained with great effort and solemn assurances that the government would not exceed the powers delegated to it.

Nowhere in the Constitution is the president or any member of the executive branch delegated power to legislate. Neither can the Congress simply delegate this power to the executive through legislation. Any alteration in the distribution of powers in the Constitution must be made by constitutional amendment. The sole power granted the executive concerning the legislative process is the veto, which itself can be overridden by Congress with sufficient support among its members.

Therefore, any regulation written by an employee of the executive branch, or anyone else, that is not subsequently passed by the House of Representatives and the Senate, and signed into law by the president, represents rule without the consent of the governed.

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?

No, Mussolini didn’t define fascism as the “merger of state and corporate power”

I hear it all the time. “Mussolini defined fascism as the merger of state and corporate power.” It has been suggested that modern American corporations like Disney, Meta (Facebook) or Alphabet (Google) acting in ways that align with the federal government’s wishes constitute fascism, based on this “merger of power” definition.

Here is the problem. Not only did Mussolini never define fascism that way, but he said almost precisely the opposite. “Merger” implies cooperation, partnership, or a meeting of the minds between equals. Fascism bore no resemblance to this. Mussolini’s actual words were, “The Fascist State lays claim to rule in the economic field no less than in others.”

What was a fascist “corporation?”

When Mussolini used the word, “corporation,” he didn’t refer to a single company like Disney or Alphabet. Rather, each corporation was a cartel formed from all companies in a particular economic sector. Mussolini divided the economy into twenty-two such “corporations,” which were run by members of the Fascist Party appointed by Mussolini himself. As John Gunther wrote in Inside Europe,

“Every corporation contains three supervising delegates of the Fascist party; each corporation is headed by a member of the cabinet or an under-secretary, appointed by Mussolini. The deputies, moreover, are “voted” into he chamber from an approved list chosen by the Grand Fascist Council; electors are privileged simply to say Yes or No to the whole list. Mussolini’s two general “elections” have been grossly dull affairs.

The state, being supreme, regulates economy for its exclusive benefit. Fascism may be, spiritually, “an attempt to make Romans out of Italians,” but physically it made Italy a prison.”[1]

This was not a “merger” of powers. It was the state exercising absolute power over the economy. It was autocratic rule over private businesses by the government.

So, why is this misquote and misunderstanding of fascism so popular? Because it coincides with a general tendency towards the “anti-capitalist mentality” Von Mises described and which is again ascendant across the political spectrum in America.

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Tom Mullen is the author of It’s the Fed, Stupid and Where Do Conservatives and Liberals Come From? And What Ever Happened to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness?


[1] Gunther, John. Inside Europe. Harper and Brothers, New York and London, 1938. Pg. 252